Comune di Fidenza
bas-reliefs
Coronation
The series of bas−reliefs containing the story of Saint Domninus has a fundamental role within the decorative schema of the Duomo of Fidenza. Firstly, it is a "narration". In a recent footnote, Dalli Regoli focused on just this aspect of the visual language of the medieval era, comparing it to the term historia and differentiating it from the genre of "presentation" in reference to the term imago.
In the first case, the artist generates dynamic situations, creating episodic time sequences, while in the second he operates in a static context. Often, there is no clear distinction between these two genres and there are numerous cases of what one could call "hybridization". An icon, for example, is a presentation which, nonetheless, may have a setting that completes it from a narrative standpoint, i.e., that creates the narrative context in which the individual image stands out. Given the potential for types of variation, it is useful to examine more closely the conventions involving those narrative schemas most frequently utilized.
Delli Regoli cites two of these as being especially significant: "Serial concatenation e movement" and "Distribution in random order". The former "is used in relation to the dynamic unfolding of the action normally presented horizontally, but sometimes also vertically, and makes use of forms of repetition of the figure or just parts of it (arms and hands, legs and feet). Its origins are very early and extend over a long period of time, but tends to lose importance after the 13th century."
The second is "distribution in random order of the story’s elements". This sequence involving St. Domninus belongs to the first genre, given that it is organized in ten, clearly−identifiable scenes but positioned in just seven physically distinct panels. Each scene includes an explanatory epigraph on the upper cornice and, in some cases, individual characters or elements of the landscape are identified in writing. In some places, which we will discover as we go along, the composition is organized randomly, an approach that heightens even more the artist´s compositional sense.
The first scene is a high−level introduction, both stylistically and thematically. Saporetti notes that the accompanying epigraph and, in general, the entire bas−relief, is "very well executed" and cites the opinion of de Francovich who hypothesizes that it could have been initiated by Benedetto Antelami himself. The subject is one of high level: the portrayal of the imperial court which immediately leads us to the comparison of this era with ancient times.
The "Historia" of St. Domninus has a documentary basis found in numerous written sources against which to compare the narration offered in the bas−reliefs.
Fidenza historian Amos Aimi has dedicated much attention to these: −the oldest source regarding the martyrdom of St. Domninus, which occurred at the end of the 3rd century or beginning of the 4th century AD is in the martyrology of St. Jerome (347−420 AD). It says: VII Idus Octobris. Natalis S. Domnini martyris, that is, 9 October, anniversary (of the death) of St. Domninus." (p. 26)
Aimi also explains how in the Paleochristian period all that was required was to commemorate a martyr by name and date of martyrdom because early believers retained a direct memory of the event. After a few centuries, in the Carolingian period, it became more important to provide more detail of the story and spiritual journey of the martyr. "A new concept took hold that demanded to know the parallels between the life of the saint and that of Christ. As a result, the text was expanded regarding the martyrdom." (p. 26).
The passions were, therefore, quite detailed accounts that provided in a literarily moving manner the crucial events and comments on them. Among the oldest and most important passiones involving St. Domninus, Aimi cites the one in the state archives in Parma, known as the Passio Parmense, dating from the 9th century and probably drawing on a Byzantine source from perhaps either the 6th or 7th century.
Sandra Costa, Massimo Galli and Guglielmo Ponzi, in their monograph on St. Domninus (1983) also dedicate ample space to the description of the written sources, showing how, in any case, "the codices that have survived to our day share elements with a common origin. A Passio from the 6th or 7th century was probably in circulation with a number of variations but all of which maintained the basic characteristics: a general reading of those codices that have survived to this day confirms this hypothesis." (p. 29)
Therefore, this source from the Byzantine era could have been identifiable in other passiones contained in the Florentine codices of the 11th century, in what is known as the "Fulda" passio and the so−called "historical martyrologies", including that of the monk Usuardo, dating from 875.Regarding this, Aimi notes that the means by which Domninus the martyr became known in France could have been Alcuin who "from Parma in 781 took to the court of Charlemagne in Aachen the veneration of St. Domninus who was exalted in the Carolingian martyrologies by his disciple Rabano Mauro and Usuardo." (p. 27)
A very rich background whose full details are complex to reconstruct. However what can be intuited is the fascination in seeing the story of this martyr transformed into forms and language that could be interpreted by everyone. The written texts were accessible to a limited group of people−those who had the chance to learn to read and write and have access to libraries and be able to study. The images, on the other hand, were and are available to all. In this lies the social role they played from the standpoint of the inhabitants of Borgo and the pilgrims who traveled the Via Francigena.
Conversion of St. Domninus
From the standpoint of sculpting technique, the two initial scenes represent one of the best points of the frieze, and of these the second appears to be of a slightly lower level.
The composition seems to embody echoes of ancient models, an aspect that would merit further study. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle has discussed this in his article "Il tempo degli antichi e quello dei moderni", picking up on his previous studies in which he attempts to get a better understanding of the terms of the relationship western culture had with history in the period between 1170 and 1220−30, the period spanning that of the Corpus Antelamicum.
Within this context, there are a number of works that exhibit signs of special attention paid by artists to the iconography and revival of styles belonging to the classicism of the Augustan period. In the Deposition we see elements of plant life, in the architecture of the Baptistry of Parma we find Corinthian capitals and in the façade of the Borgo duomo we see friezes and various embellishments and in some of the scenes figures wearing togas and Roman drapery−this being especially evident in the two scenes being examined here.
Quintavalle asks if the interest Benedetto Antelami (and his circle) exhibit for the Roman world were a characteristic specific to them or if it were not an indication of involvement in a wider cultural movement … and, in addition, what significance Antelami attributed to the antique tradition … and why he included these references in his works.
Quintavalle notes that the retrieval of models from Paleochristian and Byzantine antiquity was a characteristic of art developed during the period of Gregorian reform. Drawing on Paleochristian models symbolized "going back to the roots of the church", a renaissance following the decadence during the early Middle Ages. The program of reform generated the recovery of ancient typologies for which "symbolic meaning was rethought (…), on one side the ‘imperial’ symbology of center−plan churches, buildings deriving from the chapel in Aachen, and on the other the use of the basilica model in ways that today, with some difficulty, we are able to restore." (2003, p.23) From an architectural standpoint, this led to the creation of an actual "programmatic system" with the creation of "type models" that bring together structures that would appear to be different from each other.
However, the revival proposed by the style of Antelami is different. It does not make reference to Paleochristian or Byzantine styles, but rather ones prior to them belonging to the Augustan period. In this, Quintavalle notes, Antelami was not alone and, in fact, had been preceded at the beginning of the 12th century by provençal artists working on the façades of the churches of Saint Gilles (1125−1142?) and Saint−Trophime in Arles (1170−1180?).
It is only logical to assume that architectural plans were not decided on the basis of purely stylistic considerations, but had much deeper political implications and were therefore agreed upon in minute detail with those commissioning them who dictated strategic significance without leaving anything to chance. What, then, was the reason behind this stylistic change? Perhaps the problem represented by the heretical movements which, in different ways, challenged the authority of the Church. Quintavalle notes: "The sophisticated attention paid the antiquities and the desire to build an image in classic style, was not the result of some absurd wish for some archeological revival, certainly not extraneous to 12th century culture, but rather a very different motivation−continuity between the old and new church." (2003, p. 31)
From this standpoint, the bas−relief here is symptomatic of the cultural split between the start and second half of the 12th century. While Wiligelmo, Lanfranco and Niccolò, architects of the great Lombard−Emilia cathedrals a few generations before Benedetto Antelami “sculpted and planned with the idea of evoking the Paleochristian world, Antelami, like the Campionesi, were aware that even buildings and sculptures only half a century old no longer met the needs of the Church and, for this reason, needed to be rethought and modified." (Quintavalle, 2003, p. 33) And perhaps the art of the first century AD seemed closer to that which the Church wished to defend: its original roots.
Emperor Maximilian
In this connecting section, the citation of the world of antiquity is brought to life utilizing expressions that are spontaneous and completely modern. It is no accident that this is seen as one of the nicest points of the frieze.
De Francovich (1956, p. 356) observes the figure and compares it to that of Herod on the architrave of the northern portal of the Parma baptistry: "the figure of Maximilian who, with a dark expression, strokes his beard as he watches St. Domninus and the Christians depart, is quite similar to that of Herod in the architrave in the northern portal of the Baptistry. But comparison of the Borgo reliefs with the stories of John the Baptist in Parma, clearly shows how the drapery in the former has a richer plastic effect and its compositional units more complex and in movement."
The quality of this bas−relief can also be perceived when compared with another work portraying the story of a saint: the architrave with what is known as the martyrdom of San Biagio in Spoleto, recently the object of study by Marina Falla Castelfranchi. Here, the portrait of the potentate with crown and scepter seated on the throne and flanked by a figure seen in three−quarter view, constitutes an iconographic nucleus that could almost be superimposed over our scene, except that "(…) it seems to be twisted into an unnatural position because the movement of the legs is independent of that of the upper body and raised arm."
In contrast, the anatomical faithfulness of the bas−relief in the Duomo of Fidenza is visible under the delicate handling of the draped clothing.
Flight of St. Domninus
The articulated sequence of Domninus fleeing Maximilian towards Italy (the group is turned towards the entrance of the Duomo) marks a transition from the reflective nature of the first scenes to a cadence that become increasingly agitated.
Simultaneous with this variation in tone, some historians identify a more rustic style, the explanation for this being the intervention of less−skilled sculptors.
Sauerländer (1995, p. 35) offers a different opinion: "As in medieval literature, sculpture in the Middle Ages also used varying linguistic levels depending on theme and genre. In portraying the legends of saints it tends to use a vivid and rough means of expression not at all unakin to a certain primitivism. (…) It should be realized that in Romanesque sculpture, it is not enough to differentiate between different styles, masters and workmanship, but also between various tasks, genres and linguistic levels…"
An interesting aspect of this point is also the device used by the sculptor to identify the saint who is portrayed with a beard and halo different from those of his companions. The inscription "Domninus" is placed on the right of the saint’s head
City of Piacenza
We have reached the nexus of the story, with the bas−relief positioned above the main entrance of the Duomo, in the place of highest visibility for pilgrims arriving at the saint’s crypt. The two lions supporting the columns of the archway and the angle of the statues of David and Ezekiel flanking them indicate the optimal viewing point as conceived by the artist: standing in the center just at the edge of the archway itself. In fact, the gaze of the statues is at a 45° angle with respect to the façade.
This scene is connected to the ones that come after−the decapitation of the saint, the ascension of his soul into heaven and the first miracle−through a narrative continuum that becomes progressively more concise.
The supporting architectural elements communicate with the observer: the towers with doors closed are placed in the foreground, covering the hindquarters of the horses of those in pursuit. Domninus maintains the same iconography, but is holding the cross, symbol of his imminent martyrdom.
Martyrdom of St. Domninus
Here it is useful to reiterate what has already been said about the first scene of this story. The depiction of the martyrdom of Domninus follows one of the conventional schemas for that period: on the left the executioner with his sword drawn in the act of attacking, on the right the body of the martyr, already beheaded. Nonetheless, in this case, we are faced with various narrative moments presented according to a scheme involving a fairly complex system of connections. Superimposed on the horizontal orientation that unfolds following a logic that could be identified as "immanent" and "earthly" (executioner, the martyr’s body, detached head, martyr crossing the river) is a vertical orientation that presents the "transcendental" reality of the angels accompanying his soul into heaven.
This is the culmination of the story and, from an iconographic standpoint, portrays the cefaloforo (headless) image.
Costa, Galli e Ponzi (1983), have studied the development of the iconography surrounding St. Domninus over the centuries. The purpose of using given symbols in depicting a saint was to render the saint recognizable. "Especially starting in the 14th century," they note, "saints were portrayed with greater emphasis and more frequently. In addition to image−stories and stories of lives, image−presences we added with increasing frequency (…). The increasingly frequent elimination of the narrative element caused, as a result, the birth of a vocabulary of signs and symbols created from the concern of identifying figures no longer in their original context. These attributes, word/indices of primary importance, are able to encapsulate the entire narration of an event−generally martyrdom or a miracle−and to offer the memory of it without having to recount it.” (p. 84)
Costa, Galli and Ponzi note that St. Domninus can be identified from two main iconographies. The first, common in the Emilia−Lombardy region, shows St. Domninus as a beheaded Roman soldier and the palm of martyrdom. The second, in the area of Tuscany, replaces the symbols of martyrdom with thaumaturgic ones. Domninus is depicted "as a page or knight who displays the miraculous chalice, countered by a rabid dog." (p. 84)
The headless figure at the entrance of the Duomo of Fidenza, shown in movement, is therefore the root of the first type of iconography that spread through northern Italy and of which an early example−dating from the post−medieval period&mins;can be seen in the sculpture placed at the top of the late 15th century ark from the crypt of the Duomo of Fidenza and now found in the cathedral museum.
As Costa, Galli and Ponzi note, this particularly bloody form of iconography puts St. Domninus in the company of sixty−odd other saints, the first of which is generally considered to be St. Denis, patron of Paris, whose notoriety probably contributed to the spread of this image (p. 293). It is, unquestionably, "a prodigious and amazing act, certainly one of the most striking in Christian tradition" (p. 286), and this has led many scholars to try to seek out its origins.
In 1919, French historian Marcel Hèbert believed that the headless figure could be traced to the ritual decapitation used by the Celts in their burial rites. Costa, Galli and Ponzi note that the so−called "têtes coupées" symbolized the entire body and that the whole person could be depicted through its most representative part, the seat of intellect (p. 299). Santyves identifies the origin of this form in a number of literary sources, including the writings of St. John Chrysostom and an old Passio of St. Denis.
This scholar has also noted that beheaded martyrs seem to have a number of characteristics in common, for example proximity to water (p. 230). Springs and fountains could signify nature that is wholesome and thaumaturgical, while crossing a river could represent the "passage" from paganism to the new faith. In this way, the woodlands, rocks and bodies of water which in antiquity could have been the object of pantheistic worship, are placed within a theological context in which the sacrifice of a human being is the viaticum to salvation.
Body of St. Domninus
Costa, Galli and Ponzi remind us that "the identification of the places that the martyrologies and passiones indicate as the site of the death of the Saint" has "always been the object of bitter and perhaps useless controversy" and that this issue has become entwined (in the minds of historians) with that of the location of the Roman town of Fidentia and the "historic continuity between Fidentia and Borgo San Donnino"
These three authors note that the versions most faithful to the "Passio Domnini", the "Parmense" and "Fuldense" versions, identify the site of martyrdom using three topographical points: "proximity to the Stirone River, the route of the Claudian Way and a distance of 12−15 miles from Julia Chrysopolis."
Citing research by Roberto Andreotti, they also explain that "the Claudian Way was the Emilian Way in the tract between Bologna and Milan, and that Julia Chrysopolis was how Parma was known during the Byzantine period, the period in which the "Passio Parmense" was compiled.
The fact that none of the old sources cite Fidentia (or Flavia Fidentia) has led many historians to believe that Roman Fidentia was not in the same location as the medieval Borgo San Donnino, today known as Fidenza. More recent studies undertaken by Mirella Marini Calvani confirm the "historical continuity between Fidentia and Borgo San Donnino". The fact that in Byzantine times Fidentia was not a geographical location of note, would lead one to think that in that period it found itself at the height of an economic crisis that had begun in the first century AD. This crisis led to a gradual decline of the city, rendering it less well−known and administratively less important, but did not lead to its total disappearance.
Therefore, is the place in which St. Domninus laid down his body the same in which the present-day Duomo of Fidenza is found? The geographical reference points in the Passiones subjected to a number of archeological tests would seem to create a coherent context and point to an affirmative response.
Firstly, it is the shared opinion that during the Roman era, the Stirone River flowed much closer to the area of the future center of Borgo San Donnino than it does today. This hypothesis was confirmed by the 1874 discovery of a segment of a Roman bridge. Marini Calvani (1973, p. 11) notes that this served as the crossing of the Emilian Way over the Stirone River and was located on the outskirts of the inhabited area, probably used as a burial ground as various gravestone findings in that area have shown. The bight of the Stirone could have also been the ideal site for abundant plant growth which, over time and without tending caused by a drop off in population, could have become overgrown, hiding the place where the saint was buried (…ut locus in quo iacebat permaneret neglectus et silvarum opacitate copertus).
The discovery of the tomb of St. Domninus−which the Passiones refer to in symbolic and not historical terms−was the event that saw the birth of the events involving the Duomo. The first structure to be created was a parvam ecclesiam, a small church.
Costa, Galli and Ponzi (p. 49) suggest−I believe correctly−that it was a memoria or martyrium, "a type of church normally with a central plan, usually found near a cemetery and used for veneration of the relics of martyrs". Exactly the type of structure we see portrayed in the subsequent bas−relief dedicated to St. Domninus’ first miracle.
In terms of the stylistic aspect of this point of the bas−relief, it is useful to cite De Francovich (1956, p. 356) who notes: "Much more developed than in the decoration of the Baptistry in Parma, is the tendency in Borgo to add a number of pictorial touches and chiaroscuro contrast through the widespread use of plant elements utilized first in Parma in the door jambs of the northern entrance and the lunette with the episode of the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat. In fact, in the relief with the miracle of healing the sick pilgrim in the right splay of the main entrance, plants and trees with their leafy fronds both open and closed abound and, in the splay opposite the same entrance, the mound of earth behind which the fleeing Christians are about to disappear is covered with delicately sculpted leaves and flowers."
Similar motifs appear in other sections of the façade, for example in the Adoration of the Magi and in that of Enoch, as well as the two slabs flanking the main entrance with floral vines sculpted in a very naturalistic style and therefore quite reminiscent of Gothic figurative style.
Healing the sick
In analyzing the façade of the Duomo of Fidenza, Claudio Saporetti notes the existence of another bas−relief with similar subject located on the front of the left portal. It is part of a triptych that shows, in the first scene, an emperor being helped by a servant, in the second a pope handing mitre and crosier to a prelate and, in the third, a man entering the church and a horse tied to a tree.
Historians have identified the figures as follows: the emperor is Charlemagne, the pope is Adrian II portrayed as he gives the symbols of episcopal authority to the bishop of St. Domninus, while the man is the sick person in the first miracle performed by the saint.
The depictions in these bas−reliefs have constituted a terminus ante quem (minimum time limit) in dating the cathedral and, for this reason, is often cited by historians. In our case, Saporetti notes the symbolic importance: "commemorate three incidents that made it possible for the lay church to reach a position of glory and influence: a "lay" investiture represented by Charlemagne, a religious one represented by Pope Adrian (867−872) and a heavenly one, i.e., the proof that the church dedicated to the saint was under divine protection and benevolence through which a great miracle was performed." (p. 9)
This observation is part of a wider interpretive attempt whose purpose is to identify an overall, coherent logic in the sculptural ornamentation of the façade. "Here we would like (…) to widen the discussion to see if the façade was interpreted as something in which a precise discourse was expressed, in which a definite theme was developed, in which the various depictions can be inserted into a homogeneous whole." (pag. 4)
Succinctly put, Saporetti identifies two "areas" of the façade: the part on the left of the "wait" or "moon" (because of the ox heads on the left portal) which contains themes taken from the Old Testament (pag. 6); and that on the right of the "revelation" or "sun" (because of the lion head on the right portal) which contains representations of the new church, "ultimately Christ himself".
This division is also reflected in the overall composition of Antelami’s Deposition in Parma which−from his point of view−may also be interpreted from this standpoint: "the moon dominates that part of the scene in which, next to the pagan soldiers dividing the clothes of Christ, we find the old church symbolically represented, whose head is forcibly lowered by the archangel (sinagoga deponitur), while the sun shines over the scene in which, next to St. John, Joseph of Arimathaea and the two Marys, the new church stands triumphant with a banner in hand."
Of the two bas−reliefs that deal with the healing of the sick man, one is found on the left and the other, part of the cycle of the story of St. Domninus, is on the right.
It may be presumed that the two works were created by different sculptors at different times. The historiography explains the inconsistencies in the sculptural decoration of the façade, attributing these to the problems faced at the work site around the turn of the 12th century (please refer to the historical notes). Nonetheless, even keeping this factor in mind, it must still be explained why two bas−reliefs with the same subject were created.
Saporetti also offers an explanation for this: "on the left, the miracle of the sick man represents the first supernatural intervention that opened the way for the church to gain in importance and prestige," while on the right, "inserted as part of the story of the saint, it has a completely different sense, here depicted to signify the glory attained by the martyr who is capable of making this tangible through actions from heaven."
In a later study, Saporetti once again takes up this hypothesis, adding an additional consideration: "Another hypothesis I would like to offer is that the scene of the sick man is part of an earlier cycle dedicated to St. Domninus that was started but which remained uncompleted. During one of the many pauses in the work on the church due sometimes to very serious external events, it is possible that the panel of the sick man, a spare stone from an unfinished work, was inserted in the left portal, perhaps enriched with a new meaning (that could be the one I offered in the past)." (p. 162)
Therefore, the bas−relief that now appears on the left portal was part of an earlier version of the story of the saint, the realization of which was interrupted, perhaps because of the conflict between Parma and Piacenza. When work was resumed, a new group of people began work from scratch, while seeing to it that the previously−sculpted bas−reliefs were utilized in other points of the façade.
Assuming the existence of an earlier unfinished sculpted cycle dedicated to the life of St. Domninus, it is only natural that other bas−reliefs that could have belonged to it and then reused when work was resumed be searched out. Saporetti believes that among these could also be the bas−relief showing Herod because of the iconographic similarities with the Maximilian portrayed in the three bas−reliefs of the cycle. In this case, the inscription "Erodes" would have been added at the time it was reutilized.
These are the arguments of a critic. However, it should be considered that although this view is formulated in a creative and erudite manner, it is just a "working hypothesis" that must be corroborated through historic research.
Miracle of the horse
A scene of absolute simplicity which, in terms of its theme and sculptural treatment, is the opposite of the symmetrically placed scene of the ill-tempered Maximilian.
A brief observation by Saporetti (1967, p. 30) notes that: "The inscription does not seem to correspond with the scene in the bas−relief, unless a medial sense is given to the verb or it is taken to mean that the horse was returned by St. Domninus (and not the thief).
Saporetti also notes that the hand that sculpted this scene definitely seems different from the sculptor of the work in general.
Miracle of the bridge
Sic sanctis exequiis celebratis mulier gravida a ruina pontis liberatur
"Thus, the holy rites having been performed, the pregnant woman is saved from the collapsing bridge"
The protagonist of this scene is the common man, thus bringing the epilogue of the narrative as closely as possible to all those arriving to visit the remains of the saint.
For this reason, as Sauerländer notes, the narrative level takes on an especially popular tone: "Recent iconographic research has revealed above all the theophanic nature of main entrances and, in contrast, the pilgrimages and relics have been almost neglected, despite the fact that their role is no less important. To a large extent, the public who turned to these portals were travelers and pilgrims. So, it was not uncommon to have portrayed on portals in the 12th and 13th centuries the translation of relics of the patron saint in the church. (…) The design of the façade of the church in Fidenza, and in particular the frieze depicting the life of the saint to which the church is dedicated, can be explained from this standpoint." (1995, pp. 32−33)
Over the centuries, Domninus has maintained the ability to attract the hearts of people, exactly as shown in this scene of men and women who crowd onto a bridge, to the point that it collapses.
If there are reasons for this popularity, they must be simple ones, of a man who sought to live according to his principles. Perhaps the same reasons that prompted these people to crowd onto the bridge, causing it to collapse and which prompted us to undertake this small project.